The situation in Germany

The importance of strong, functional municipalities providing cohesion and a home for people has become very clear as a result of recent crisis situations. Whether it’s the integration of people who have fled their homelands or coping with the Corona pandemic, the demands on the women and men in leading positions at local authorities are heavier than ever before. In any case, municipal self-administration occupies a prominent position in Germany’s federal-republic system: in line with the principle of subsidiarity, political decisions should be taken at the relevant competent level wherever possible. 

Indisputable is the fact that a diverse range of perspectives should be considered when shaping municipal policies. But it remains the case that women’s voices are heard far more rarely: in the autumn of 2020, the share of mayors* who are women was approx. 9 per cent; in the lord/lady mayor category, the share was 8.1 per cent. In Germany’s large cities, the figure in 2008 was still 17.1 per cent. There’s also a lack of women in district authorities: more than 90 per cent of the 294 districts are run by men.

The share of women is higher among the (voluntary) county, city and town councils where the average is 27 per cent. But this, too, means that, in municipal authorities, more than twice as many men than women are taking decisions on issues relating to citizens. And here, too, the share of women has been growing only very slowly in recent years.

In addition, retrograde trends have been recorded in the German federal government and federal-state parliaments: in the German Bundestag, the share of female parliamentarians has dropped to 31 per cent, the same share as 20 years ago. The average share in federal-state parliaments is 30 per cent: city states have an above-average share, other states’ shares are clearly below the average.

Why are women underrepresented?

There are many reasons for the persistent underrepresentation of women in politics: firstly, historical factors continue to have an effect, since modern parliamentary democracy emerged with the explicit exclusion of women, and its procedures and formal and informal rules continue to be male-focused. Secondly, socio-cultural factors also play a role, as women generally have less time and resources to be able to reconcile work, family and time-consuming party-political or municipal engagement. Thirdly, political parties’ nomination practices reveal that men have better chances of being fielded as candidates, unless the individual parties have adopted binding rules. There are currently only three parties – Alliance 90/The Greens, The Left and the SPD – that have gender or women’s quotas.

Finally, suffrage plays an important role, since women have better chances in a proportional representation system with lists than in a first-past-the-post system. This is particularly evident in mayoral elections, since, in all of Germany’s federal states, female and male mayors are elected directly by the general public. Only one person can ever win through and the competition is correspondingly high – even within the political parties themselves. Men often have better starting points: they more regularly hold important positions in prominent professions, have more time to promote themselves and maintain their networks, and they generally have greater financial resources at their disposal to run a successful election campaign. 

 What can be done?

First and foremost is the requirement on the parties themselves. They need to continuously recruit more female members and then provide them with real opportunities to hold a political office. There’s enough qualified women – in civil-society organisations and associations and of course also in municipal administration itself. It’s a matter of appealing to and supporting women in a targeted fashion – not just when the next election is around the corner or when no other candidate can be found, but in good time and with foresight.

The establishment of networks for women also has an important role to play. In Germany, the Helene Weber College, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Family Affairs and co-ordinated by EAF Berlin, is a cross-party platform for women in local politics. The College offers a diverse range of information and support, e.g. in the form of mentoring or empowerment programmes. In addition, the Helene Weber Prize for outstanding achievements by women in local politics has been awarded since 2009. The prize is named after one of the Mothers of the (German) Basic Law.

In 2019, the German Association of Towns and Municipalities organised the first major congress for women in municipal politics. Taken collectively, Germany’s leading municipal-political associations are key players in promoting the equal participation of women in leading positions in local political structures.

In recent years, networks have also emerged among female mayors themselves. Some are informal, as in Baden-Württemberg; some are organised, as in Bavaria or North Rhine-Westphalia. Female mayors can use the networks for mutual support and to exchange information, ideas and experiences, but also to make themselves visible as role models and encourage other women.